Friday, October 26, 2012

Hassan Sheikh Mohamud: Somalia’s hope for peace




President Hassan Sheik Mohamud
The hope for lasting peace in Somalia rests on the commitment of its new president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. While he inherits a bankrupt state with very little infrastructure, it seems he has the unwavering support of the international community. It is up to him to decide how far this assistance should go, without taking over the whole process. His ability to lead such a diverse parliament and create unity within it will be important for lasting peace in the country. Will he rise to the challenge?

After inauguration on 10 September 2012, the new President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, proposes that his first task in office is to deal with the country’s security threats.
Practically, there is not much that the new Somali government can do. The incumbent is coming to office in an officially bankrupt state with a weak army and police service. At this point, and for a considerable amount of time in the future, he will rely on the African Union peacekeeping unit and international support. This force has made significant progress in securing many areas, including the capital of Mogadishu.

This government will need much continued support from its counterparts like Kenya, the United Nations, the African Union and other partners. While the international community should be obliging in its assistance in development for Somalia, it must guard against the rush to institute “modern” state structures in that country. A lesson should be learned from the newly formed state of South Sudan where corrupt ministers were responsible for the disappearance 4 billion US dollars in cash from state coffers.

A resurgence of war and hostilities should be expected, especially from those areas that are still controlled by rebel groups; these groups have become sophisticated, especially along the coast, where piracy is rife.

There has been much criticism of the fact that some of the rebel fighters in Somalia now hold key positions in parliament. Political compromises of this nature are not unique to Somalia and sometimes must be made in order to keep the peace. The fact that Somalia’s parliament is so diverse, though commendable in some regards, holds potential for infighting.

The peace process in Somalia is proof that while formal government structures had long deteriorated, the social conscience and resilience of its people had not deteriorated with it. It is important, therefore, that any structure proposing to move towards development in Somalia should take cognisance of this. The community elders should not only end up in parliament, but are needed as foot soldiers in the Somali peace process. It must find a way to improve upon the clan system which currently under-represents the interests of women and young people.

The conflict in Somalia brings to the forefront many questions that Africa as a continent has not comprehensively dealt with. These include issues of how Africa develops, whether Western-style modernity is the only way forward, how to incorporate religion in development, and the role of the community elders. Militant groups like Al Shaabab in Somalia and Boko Haram of Nigeria will always surface where governments are not willing to have these conversations with their citizens.

While political conditions in Somalia were undesirable, the drought and famine have exacerbated the situation. The new government will have to act quickly in this regard but also, more importantly, be seen to be acting in order to gain legitimacy with the people on the ground, most of whom have been displaced by the war.

In order to be successful in his mission, the incumbent should be moving from a broadened understanding of security. On one level, security should imply the security of the person, especially given that the president himself was targeted a day after being sworn in as president. The safe return of internally displaced people, and access to food and water, should also top his list of priorities.

Currently, ideas of democratic election are not feasible in Somalia, until the political climate stabilises. This should not be interpreted to support reports of intimidation and corruption that have reigned up to the election of the president, but rather it is to say that Somalia, under the close watch of the international community, should be left to chart its own progress, and also be given the space to make mistakes and learn from them. The key is not to democratise Somalia, but to stabilise it.

Perhaps the retreating of the United Nations from Somalia in 1991 was a blessing and its re-emergence as a more subtle influence should be encouraged. This has proved that state building is an endogenous effort, and that while the international community cannot retreat, it cannot be the Somali government.

Hassan Sheikh Mohamud should decline the opportunity to become an international puppet and stand for Somalia’s best interests. While the international community may soon serve indictments on some of his members of parliament in the International Criminal Court, it is up to him to handle these matters in the way most beneficial to Somalia.

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